Perceptions in Korea are markedly different. During this period even women were drafted into so‑called female volunteer battalions. In Korea it is seen as the tip of an iceberg concealing a wider problem of an “erroneous” view of history that in reality affects all Japanese textbooks to varying degrees. Below is the version presented by the Tsukuru‑kai: Two details were modified in the second edition, , through the Sō clan in Tsushima, re‑established diplomatic relations with Korea, which had been cut off since the military expeditions of Hideyoshi. 1Since the 1980s, relations within East Asia have been hit on several occasions by controversies surrounding Japanese history textbooks.1 The first crisis arose in 1982 during the screening process for new history textbooks. ), Cipango no. Moreover, while Toyotomi Hideyoshi was not devoid of territorial ambitions regarding the “continent”, including China, his overriding motive was to channel the discontent of all the Japanese left out of the country’s unification and reorganisation process, most of all the warriors.47. Yet this fear has in no way cast doubt on the friendly relations that existed between the two countries in ancient and early‑modern times. A joint working committee has recently been formed by the National Association of Japanese Canadians’ ( NAJC) Human Rights Committee and the Vancouver & Toronto Chapters of the Association for Learning & Preserving the History of World War II in Asia . 10 Sven Saaler, Politics, Memory and Public Opinion: The History Textbook Controversy and Japanese Society, Munich, Iudicium, 2005. He simply points out that Hideyoshi requested permission from the Yi Dynasty to transit through Korea in order to invade China. While the government has not proposed its own interpretation of the causes of the invasion, the Korean textbook leaves no doubt as to Japan’s designs on Korea: In a bid divert the attention of disgruntled Japanese away from Japan and give free rein to his desire to advance [chinch’ul 進出] across the continent, [Hideyoshi] decided to invade Korea. Furthermore, the teaching of Japanese and the assimilation policy [dōka seisaku 同化政策] exacerbated Korean hostility against Japan.27. While the Tōkyō Shoseki remains slighter vaguer by noting that “the. Nikkan kōryū no rekishi: senshi kara gendai made. According to The Korea Times, Korean and Japanese women's rights organizations are planning to publish a joint women's history textbook in both countries to counter the distortion in Japan's official textbook. and its treatment in Japanese textbooks, see Noriko Berlinguez‑Kōno, “l’Asiatisme, From the Korean point of view, the Ōsaka Shoseki textbook no doubt has the virtue of acknowledging that the. These three aspects can also be found in Japan’s other main textbooks, which paint a relatively similar picture to that of the Tsukuru‑kai: Peace was re‑established with Korea during Ieyasu’s reign and it became usual to see an embassy (. ) Korea’s complaints essentially focused on statements that were “technically correct” but potentially misleading. Since then, the subject has been the focus of increasing attention: The Japanese Empire did not content itself with plundering raw materials. The authorisation system was abandoned in order to standardise history education, leaving one single national history textbook. cit., 2001, p. 97 and 106. cit., p. 97, Rekishiteki bun’ya, op. During this period even women were drafted into so‑called female volunteer battalions [chŏngsindae 挺身隊] and sacrificed at comfort stations for the Japanese Army.78. cit., 2001, pp. The Ministry of Education’s attempts to whitewash the reality of Japan’s actions in China, by requesting for example that authors replace the term “invasion” (shinryaku 侵略) by “advancement” (shinshutsu 進出), unleashed a flurry of protests within Asia. pillaged. A Victory for Freedom? Aside from factual errors that were corrected in the following edition,25 Korea’s complaints essentially focused on statements that were “technically correct” but potentially misleading.26 An illustrative example of this tendency of the Tsukuru‑kai textbook is its description of the 1910 annexation of Korea: The Japanese government saw the annexation of Korea as vital to protect Japanese security and defend its interests in Manchuria. cit., p. 149. Admittedly, the textbook controversy has convinced many Chinese that Japan has still not managed to rid itself of its militarist demons and that this anomaly is liable to recur. , the emperor had a duty to assert his superiority over the shōgun and his Korean counterpart. Countering Textbook Distortion: War Atrocities in Asia, 1937-1945. Korean historians are particularly concerned by this regression compared to the 1990s, seeing it as the result of a “domino effect” set in motion by the Tsukuru‑kai and now affecting almost all junior high school textbooks. all the while pointing out that once peaceful relations had resumed, political and military preoccupations gradually gave way to a cultural dimension in which each party sought to express its sense of superiority. Concerned that some Japanese history textbooks for middle schools edited under the initiative of Japanese right-wing groups were authorised by the Japanese government. 55 See Kim Munja, op. 30 This does not mean that this episode in the two countries’ shared history is not a controversial subject. the current edition of the Tōkyō Shoseki textbook leaves no doubt as to the aggressive nature of the expeditions: Not satisfied with the unification of Japan, Hideyoshi sent missives to Korea, India, Luzon (Philippines) and Takasankoku (Taiwan) demanding their submission. Incidentally, note that, unlike Japanese textbooks, and despite calls by some South Korean historians to “deconstruct” the national history framework, Korean history textbooks for junior and senior high schools are still entitled “Kuksa”, In this context, governments should show restraint and leave the task of solving the textbook problem to history and education specialists. Ōsaka Shoseki (p. 91) and Kyōiku Shuppan (p. 79), With a section titled “The Invasion of Korea” (. […], After the death of Ashikaga Yoshimitsu, when the tally trade [kangō bōeki 勘合貿易] with the Ming was suspended [chūdan 中断], the Wakō resumed their activities with renewed vigour but their members were mostly Chinese.32, 24The Korean government’s complaints focused essentially on the claim that Koreans and Chinese could be found among Wakō pirates. While the approval of the Tsukuru‑kai textbook certainly revealed Korea’s extreme sensitivity to historical issues, it has also encouraged a re‑evaluation of Korean history textbooks. 185‑195), from 2001 to 2002. Here the conquest of China is presented as nothing more than an excuse to justify an invasion that in reality targeted Korea. Firstly, they underline Korea’s refusal to modify the traditional context of neighbourly relations between the two countries rather than its refusal to “open up”.69 They claim that Meiji leaders purposely used terms that disparaged the Korean monarch’s status in order to provoke a refusal from Korea. Nikkan kōryū no rekishi: senshi kara gendai made 日韓歴史共通教材 日韓交流の歴史―先史から現代まで, Akashi Shoten 明石書店, 2007. 48 According to Korean specialists, another example of this idea is the “Debate over an Expedition to Korea” (Seikanron 征韓論) during the early Meiji era. 37These three aspects can also be found in Japan’s other main textbooks, which paint a relatively similar picture to that of the Tsukuru‑kai: Peace was re‑established with Korea during Ieyasu’s reign and it became usual to see an embassy (Tsūshinshi) of four or five hundred people dispatched to Japan each time a new shogun was appointed. Below is the version proposed by the Tsukuru‑kai: In 1873 (Meiji 6) a “debate on the Korean expedition”, broke out among the samurai. between the Yamato court and the states making up the Kaya region, which were used by the latter to resist neighbouring Paekche and Silla. 12Teachers have no decision‑making power in this system. These factors explain the deep‑seated resentment and distrust shown by Koreans towards a Japan that has never truly shown signs of repentance and is still seen as a threat. 14 Chŏng Taegyun 鄭大均, Kankoku no nashonarizumu 韓国のナショナリズム (Korean Nationalism), Tokyo, Iwanami Shoten 岩波書店, 2003, p. 192. Based on a report written by “examiners” (. ) cit., pp. Japanese history textbooks sparked off an international incident. perhaps marks the beginning of a gradual relaxation in South Korea’s education policy. This will pose new threats to world peace.The author is curator of the Memorial Hall of the Victims in Nanjing Massacre by Japanese Invaders. Deprived of the satisfaction of having recovered their independence by their own means, the Koreans found themselves victors of the Second World War without the benefits. 66 Kim Kihyŏk 김기혁, Kŭndae Han‑Chung‑Il kwan’gyesa 근대 한중일관계사 (History of Modern Relations: Korea, China and Japan), Seoul, Yŏnse Taehakkyo Ch’ulp’anbu 연세대학교 출판부, 2007 (1955), p. 79. , “Kindai gaikō taisei no sōshutsu: Chōsen no baai o chūshin ni, Higashi ajia‑shi no naka no nihon to chōsen, (Perceptions of Asia in Modern Japan), Minerv. His central claim concerning the unconstitutional nature of the textbook authorisation system was rejected. Secondly, the textbook’s silence as to the two countries’ objectives and the suggestion that these missions were sent merely to pay respect to the new shōguns. 20However, the biased view presented by the Tsuruku‑kai textbook is rarely shared by other Japanese texts.28 In the case of this particular example, the Tōkyō Shoseki and Ōsaka Shoseki textbooks describe in no uncertain terms the coercive nature of the annexation process and refrain from mentioning the Korean minority in favour of annexation, as well as Japan’s contribution to the “development” of Korea.29, 21Contrary to what one might think, the annexation of Korea is thus not a particularly problematic subject as far as history textbooks are concerned30. Certainly, voices in Japan continue to question whether or not these women were forcibly enlisted, but they have not challenged the Japanese government’s official position as represented by the “Kōno Statement” (Kōno danwa 河野談話), which recognised the direct or indirect role of the army in setting up comfort stations and drafting “comfort women”.80. Chosŏn sidae t’ongsinsa yŏngu ŭi hyŏnguang, (Japan and Korea in the Early Modern Era), Kō, Historians in the two countries provide a more nuanced account. 88, 2007, pp. In addition to managing diplomatic relations, the Tsushima domain obtained permission to trade [with Korea]. Sarah, “Politics of the Victim/Victor Complex: Interpreting South Korea’s National Furor over Japanese History Textbooks”, (How Should We View the Korean Peninsula? According to Korean specialists, another example of this idea is the “Debate over an Expedition to, Many Koreans see Hideyoshi’s attitude as illustrating one of the characteristics of relations between the two countries: Japan’s use of Korea to settle its political problems at home. 28 In 2002 the usage rates for these junior high school textbooks were as follows: Tōkyō Shoseki 東京書籍 (51.2%), Ōsaka Shoseki 大阪書籍 (14%), Kyōiku Shuppan 教育出版 (13%), Teikoku Shoin 帝国書院 (10.9%), Nihon Shoseki Shinsha 日本書籍新社 (5.9%), Shimizu Shoin 清水書院 (2.5%), Nihon Bunkyō Shuppan 日本文教出版 (2.3%). However, several of the court rulings, notably that of 1970 (. 32 Atarashii rekishi kyōkasho, op. ), in Hanguk kwa Ilbon: waegok kwa…, vol. 1, op. 30‑44. Thirdly, by omitting to point out that it was Korea that had established a “Japanese embassy” in Pusan, the authors were deceiving readers into believing that Japan had set up an administrative organ overseas on its own initiative. Firstly, the lack of explanation concerning Ieyasu’s reasons for establishing diplomatic relations with Korea. , the Ōsaka Shoseki textbook is more precise: In Japan, beginning in the Northern and Southern Courts period, warriors and merchants on the islands of Northern Kyūshū and the Seto Inland Sea traded with Korea and China. opinion@globaltimes.com.cn, By Zhu Chengshan Source:Global Times Published: 2015-4-10 0:33:01. The Korean government seems to have understood this, as illustrated by the events of 2002, when the screening process for senior high school history textbooks led the Korean media to denounce new “distortions”, notably the Saishin Nishon‑shi 最新日本史textbook’s claim that the island of Takeshima/Tokto was part of Japan. 14The first Korean‑language secondary school history textbook was published in May 1946 following the country’s liberation. In addition to Japanese members, there were many Koreans. 17. 25 For example, the Tsukuru‑kai textbook claimed that “the Yamato army came to the aid of Paekche and Silla and waged violent battles against Koguryŏ” (p. 38), whereas in reality the Koguryŏ army drove back the Japanese at the request of Silla. Whether real or imagined, this fear is fuelled by incidents such as the approval of the Tsukuru‑kai textbook or the prime ministerial visits to Yasukuni Shrine, which are seen as warning signs of a possible remilitarisation of Japan. 82 The Korean government sees the use of phrases such as “Yamato lost its influence over the Korean peninsula” (Tōkyō Shoseki) or “subsequently, the influence [of Yamato] over the Korean peninsula waned” (Ōsaka Shoseki) to describe relations between Japan and Korea during the 6th century as unacceptable, for they are based on the “erroneous” idea that Yamato ruled Kaya as of the 4th century. Amongst Japan’s leaders voices called for Korea to be opened up by force (Seikan‑ron).60 […], In an effort to deflect the attention of the disgruntled samurai away from Japan, Saigō Takamori and others proposed to forcibly establish diplomatic relations with Korea, which was pursuing its [policy of] isolation [sakoku 鎖国] (Seikan‑ron).61. Although Japan’s main textbooks provide supplementary information concerning the damage inflicted on Korea (many victims, prisoners taken to Japan). ), Yŏksa kyogwasŏ sok ŭi Hanguk kwa Ilbon 역사교과서 속의 한국과 일본 (Korea and Japan in the History Textbooks), Seoul, Hyean 혜안, 2000, p. 386. ), Ajia no naka no nihon‑shi, op. 37 Yi Yŏng 이영, “Waegu ŭi chuch’e” 왜구의 주체 (The Main Constituent of Wakō), in Waegu wisa munje wa Han‑Il kwan’gye 왜구・위사 문제와 한일관계 (Japan‑Korea Relations and the Issue of Wakō and the Pseudo‑Embassies), Seoul, Kyŏng’in Munwhasa 景仁文化社, 2005, p. 192. 39Curiously, just like its Japanese counterparts, the Korean textbook devotes little space to explaining why diplomatic relations between the two countries were resumed. 107‑108. In China, where the historical dispute with Japan also has deep roots, Sino‑Japanese relations are generally considered to have been good, or even excellent, for the majority of history and that it was only with the Meiji Restoration and the emergence of a militarist Japan that this friendship gave way to animosity on the one side and contempt on the other. an advanced culture to Japan, which greatly contributed to the development of ancient Japanese culture during the Asuka period. This does not mean that this episode in the two countries’ shared history is not a controversial su, Contrary to what one might think, the annexation of Korea is thus not a particularly problematic subject as far as history textbooks are concerned. 31 Yi Wŏnsun and Chŏng Chaejŏng (eds. 138‑139; Takeda Yukio 武田幸男 (ed. 28In the chapter on the invasions launched by Hideyoshi, which the Tsukuru‑kai textbook titles “The Korean Expedition” (Chōsen e no shuppei 朝鮮への出兵),41 the main bone of contention dividing scholars concerns Hideyoshi’s motives: Hideyoshi, consumed by an excessive desire to conquer Ming China with the intent of moving there with the Japanese emperor and ruling over East Asia as far as India, sent a vast army of 150,000 men to Korea in 1592 (Bunroku 1) […] The two military expeditions laid waste [ichijirushiku arehateta 著しく荒れ果てた] to both the land and lives of Koreans.42. The authorisation system was abandoned in order to standardise history education, leaving one single national history textbook.20 Despite opposition from within the academic world, this state stranglehold on history education continues to this day. A comparison of the main textbooks currently in use in the two countries will enable me to determine the extent to which their content has changed since the 2001 crisis. Accordingly, I have retained only those subjects posing a problem not merely in the Tsukuru‑kai textbook, but also in Japan’s representative texts —in particular the Tōkyō Shoseki textbook— and which thus denote genuine differences in the two countries’ perception of events. As an example, below is the Tōkyō Shoseki textbook’s presentation in its 1997 and 2006 editions: To compensate for the lack of Japanese workers, many Koreans and Chinese were forcibly taken to Japan where they were made to undertake arduous work in factories. It was until 1997 that the Supreme Court finally ruled that the ministry abused its discretion with regard to the unconstitutional censoring of Ienaga's description of four matters including the Unit 731 and Nanjing Massacre. After all curriculum content has been contested in recent years in Britain, the US, Canada, Australia as well as Japan. suggested forcing Korea’s hand through the use of military force. It is also widely used by communities of speakers in Hawaii, Peru and Brazil, and learnt as an additional language by large numbers of students in the Republic of Korea, China, Indonesia and Australia. From the same author, see also « Le débat sur l’enseignement de l’histoire au Japon » (The Debate on History Education in Japan), Matériaux pour l’histoire de notre temps, BDIC, no. for the teaching of history and geography. 78 Chunghakkyo Kuksa (ha), op. 85 Michael J. Seth, A Concise History of Korea, Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2006, p. 32. Although it was only adopted by a tiny minority of junior high schools. ), » (Historical Revisionism in Japan Today), Politics, Memory and Public Opinion: The History Textbook Controversy and Japanese Society, (Japanese History Falsified by the Koreans), Tokyo, Shōgakukan, (The Huge Divergences between Chinese, Japanese, Korean and Russian History Textbooks), Tokyo, Fusōsha, (To Those Who Claim There Are No Distortions in Korean History Textbooks), in Ch, Kankoku, Kita chōsen no uso o miyaburu: kingendai‑shi no sōten 30, (The Lies of South and North Korea Revealed: Thirty Contentious Issues in Modern and Contemporary History), Tokyo, Bungei Shunjū, Han‑Nichi kanjō: Kankoku‑Chōsenjin to nihonjin, (Anti‑Japanese Sentiment: Koreans and Japanese), Tokyo, Kōdansha, Kankoku, chūgoku “rekishi kyōkasho” o tettei hihan suru: waikyoku sareta tai‑nichi kankei‑shi, (Radical Criticism of Chinese and Korean “History Textbooks”: A Distorted History of Relations with Japan), Tokyo Shōgakukan, For example, of the four examiners responsible for Japanese history textbooks, two are former students of, , a professor emeritus at the University of Tokyo and writer and editor‑in‑chief for the. . This does not mean that this episode in the two countries’ shared history is not a controversial subject. Amongst Japan’s leaders voices called for Korea to be opened up by force, In an effort to deflect the attention of the disgruntled samurai away from Japan, Saigō Takamori and others proposed to forcibly establish diplomatic relations with Korea, which was pursuing its [policy of] isolation. Despite opposition from within the academic world, this state stranglehold on history education continues to this day. Introduction . ), Shūei‑sha, New Perspectives on Japan's Performing Arts, The Invention of “Folk Crafts”: Yanagi Sōetsu and, Cipango – French Journal of Japanese Studies. in all three languages and intended to be a concrete example of what a history textbook used jointly in all three countries might resemble. 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